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Chepkorio as an Economic Hub

Overview

Chepkorio's humble beginnings trace back to the early 1940s, and by 1946, it had already solidified its position as a bustling trading center. The surge in potato trading owes much to Chepkorio's burgeoning market, serving as a pivotal hub for commerce. Acting as a collection point, Chepkorio facilitated the transportation of goods to Kampala, marking its significance in regional trade networks. Among the early Keiyo traders, figures like Masit and Kibogy emerged prominently. Additionally, the presence of the Kikuyu community in Chepkorio dates back to the 1940s, primarily engaged in commodity trading, with collection points established at Kaptagat Centre and Kipsaos.

 

The Kikuyu were a strong force in Chepkorio. They had relocated to the Rift Valley when their lands in Central province were alienated for white settlement. They sought labour in white farms and also as squatters. They found Chepkorio hostile and relocated to Kaptagat centre. The British had spread propaganda that the Kikuyu were violent and thuggish. That was a lie. Unfortunately the Keiyo bought the idea and to date, still fear the Kikuyu.

 

Notable individuals such as Chemaiyo arap Sawe, Barbengi, and Daniel Kipyab played integral roles in shaping Chepkorio's economic landscape during this formative period.

 

Chepkorio emerged because of the activities of the Colonial Administrators in the 1940s but more importantly the resourcefulness of the local population

The following economic factors also contributed to the growth of chepkorio:

Another reason for the growth of Chepkorio can be attributed to its role as a storage depot for maize purchased from Uganda and Western Kenya. The same traders who went to Kampala to sell potatoes bought maize along the way and stored it in Chepkorio for sale.

This contributed significantly to the growth of Chepkorio. Consequently, a health center, a chief's office, a courthouse, a social hall, a livestock auction house, and a showground were established.

Socially, the traders expanded their families by marrying women from the areas they traded in, from Baringo to Terik in Western Kenya.

In Chepkorio, there exists a surprising tolerance towards an Owino(Luo), an outsider, residing within their community. However, the same hospitality does not extend to individuals labeled as Atirere, Kimoriok, Bunik, or Chepkelta, which stem from colonial stereotypes of indigenous people.  These stereotypes echo broader colonial perceptions of ethnic groups, such as the Kamba being renowned for trade and military prowess, the Luo characterized as strong laborers, the Luhyia depicted as food enthusiasts, the Kikuyu stigmatized as thieves, and the Keiyo unfairly branded as deliberately idle and fond of travelking to risav (up-country).These deeply rooted stereotypes continue to shape social dynamics and perceptions within Chepkorio.

Back in Time

Wazungu Nyeusi- The Eldoret Kalenjin businessmen who built empires

By Barmoiben Kipkemoi Araap Korir

These men, most being of Chumo Ageset built great wealth, William Chemweno, Kite arap Tiren, John Kibogy, Elijah Maina, Elisha Busienei, Jackson Kibor, Paul Boit, David Samoei, Tenai, Cheptalam, Murgor and more. The products of this men can be seen in many spheres not only in real estate but also offsprings including Gladys Boss Shollei, William Tiren, Caleb Kositany, Philip Murgor and more. It wasn’t magic, but sweat, determination and sheer hard work that saw a group of old men in Uasin Gishu rise from obscurity to be regarded as ‘wazungu nyeusi.’ William Chemweno, Kite arap Tiren, John Kibogy, Elijah Maina, Elisha Busienei, Jackson Kibor, Paul Boit, David Samoei, Atanas Kandie and Isaac Kosgei among others who all fall all under the chumek age set according to Kalenjin age group, surmounted great challenges to build empires from nothing.. And as Amazon founder Jeff Bezos preaches; ‘work hard, have fun, make history’, the group left an indelible mark in the region by purchasing majority of formerly owned white settlers’ sprawling tracks of land through the sale of potatoes, tins, beads, hides and skins. They also have prime plots within Eldoret town CBD which now boast of magnificent buildings earning millions in rent annually. Some have rented the buildings to commercial banks. Having been raised in abject poverty where they used to feed on machicha (busaa residue), they struggled to make a living and change their status. “They were a generation that epitomised hard work and resilience. Any coin they got was put into good use which we witness today. They never grabbed or stole from the public as modern day billionaires do, but used their hard work to make riches,” said Kipkorir arap Menjo, a political commentator. He explains that when Kenya was on the precipice of attaining independence, the white settlers decided to exit the country. “Through the Land Bank, anyone who wanted to buy white settler farms was required to pay 10 per cent of the total value a settler owned, thus the 10 per cent group name. The remaining 90 per cent was to be footed by the Land Bank,” narrates Menjo. The 10 per cent was largely to cover for the assets that the whites owned and the group easily raised the cash because they had money from the trades they were engaged in. “Each of these men owned over 2,500 acres of land spread across Uasin Gishu and Trans Nzoia counties. They practice commercial farming and own several commercial plots within the region’s urban centres. Interestingly, they were all polygamous. Maybe they wanted to ensure their riches were well kept,” Menjo quipped. According to Menjo, the group were all teetotalers and those who drank alcohol merely did so for socialisation. It was unheard of for any of them to drink themselves silly. “They knew the pain of being poor and it was their new trend to multiply any resource they had. This is what endeared the late President Daniel arap Moi to them. They became bosom friends and Mzee Moi loved spending time with them,” he recalls. But Menjo says the legacy the old men left may not be in safe hands. “We are witnessing a sad scenario unfolding. When the generation of old men exit the stage, their children start subdividing the land and selling it at alarming rates. They imbibe booze as if there is no tomorrow despite having been educated in top notch schools locally and abroad,” says Menjo. He said some of the children instead of continuing to multiply the assets bequeathed by their parents are now simply selling them and soon they might be left landless. “There are those doing commendable jobs which is really encouraging, but others are in a sorry state. They were born in riches and do not know what it means to struggle,” he noted. Menjo said it is rare to get such a breed of people who saved and invested heavily on whatever little they got. “The money they used to buy the lands was not little money. They worked hard to get it,” he stated. William Chemweno’s eldest son, John, said his late father was an accomplished farmer specializing in large scale wheat, barley and maize farming which he sold to top companies. “His dairy farm was one of its kind and always hosted other dairy farmers for field days. He also reared goats and sheep besides poultry and pigs,” he discloses. John says his father symbolized sheer hard work, determination, resilience and an impeccable sense of fashion, earning himself the name Duke of ‘Karunashire’ after Karuna, his sprawling empire in Moiben, Uasin Gishu county. “He rose from selling hides and skins in a Nairobi ternary and crossing the murky water of River Kerio to sell beads in Baringo to buying thousands of acres in Moiben from white settlers in 1964. He owned several buildings in Eldoret town. He also distributed beer with Mzee Jackson Kibor and the late Mzee John Kibogy,” recalls John. He adds; “To demonstrate his royalty, he never stopped learning or appreciating new ways of farming and always travelled to Israel, Zimbabwe and the UK where he attended the Royal Show which was held every year by the Royal Agricultural Society of England.” John describes his father as an ardent fan of fine things and foresight that started during the colonial days. “For instance in 1956, he took a bold step of buying a tractor and a year later purchased his first car, a Chevrolet pickup. What is astounding was the fact that throughout his life, he was always formally dressed in a suit, occasion notwithstanding with a penchant for a bottle of ‘White Cap’ beer,” he reminisces. This group of millionaires, now mostly deceased, own most of the skyscrapers dotting Eldoret town and their vast farms in the interior are lush with different types of crops. At one time, following protracted land issues with some of his sons, an incensed Mzee Jackson Kibor during a tiff with one of his sons lamented that one of them who schooled at Brookhouse was giving him troubles. “All my children attended top-performing schools in the country while others are studying abroad in Australia and the United States. I value education and that is why I spend a lot of my hard-earned cash to send them to reputable performing schools only for them to come back and trouble me,” protested Mzee Kibor. Hill School Primary, Eldoret, was the school of choice for the privileged and kids from prominent families trace their early education to this institution and others with international reputations. When Kenya attained independence in 1963, the school was gradually occupied by Africans and it became a complex public school with Pre-School, Primary, and Secondary sections. In 1986, the then President Daniel arap Moi directed the institution to put up a Secondary section, which was a girls’ boarding school. Some of The Hill School alumni in senior positions include Uasin Gishu women representative Gladys Shollei who once served as Chief registrar of Judiciary, Moiben MP Silas Tiren and his Soy counterpart Caleb Kositany and senior counsel Philip Murgor.

Treasures of Tradition: Exploring Indigenous Artifacts

Dive into the rich heritage of indigenous craftsmanship , we celebrate the cultural legacy of Chepkorio and its surrounding regions through a curated collection of traditional artifacts. Each item holds a story, reflecting the artistic skill and cultural significance passed down through generations. These artifacts offer a window into the traditions and values of the community. Join us on a journey of discovery as we explore the beauty and diversity of Chepkorio's cultural heritage through these timeless treasures

Among the Keiyo , Keteet serves as a vital tool for storing and transporting honey, a prized commodity in their traditional economy. Harvested from wild bees or domesticated hives, honey is consumed for its nutritional value and medicinal properties. The Keteet container, with its secure lid made from animal leather, ensures that the honey remains protected from contamination and retains its freshness during storage and transport. Additionally, the durability of the leather material makes Keteet well-suited for rugged outdoor environments typical of the Keiyo and Marakwet regions, where beekeeping and honey collection are integral aspects of their cultural heritage and livelihoods.

Keteet(Keiyo), Tendu (Marakwet)

Traditional  honey storage container

Laal(Tugen), Tendu (Marakwet)

Cow horn used to store ghee

Laal is a traditional vessel originating from the Tugen community, crafted from a hollowed cow horn and bound with leather straps made from cowhide. This unique container serves a specific purpose in storing ghee, a clarified butter widely used in cooking and rituals. The cow horn, meticulously

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prepared and polished, provides a natural and durable casing for preserving the ghee, shielding it from external elements while allowing for easy pouring and retrieval. The leather straps are woven or tied around the horn to add both aesthetic appeal and functional support, ensuring the secure closure of the vessel.

Word from our Researchers

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Chepkorio Researcher

"I particularly appreciated the detailed examination of innovative farming methods and the commercialization of traditional practices like busaa production. This article offers valuable insights for scholars and policymakers interested in the dynamics of rural economic development."
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